BROWN’S TAX GRAB ON PENSIONS
ROBS US OF £20,000 EACH
UK Express, UK
Sarah O’Grady Social Affairs Correspondent
Workers will lose more than £500billion after his
decision to scrap tax relief on dividends paid into pension
funds back in 1997.
After a two-year legal battle, new documents
released under the Freedom of Information Act reveal the then
Chancellor ignored warnings that his move could leave a “big
hole” in pension funds for future generations.
His decision wiped out up to £75billion of
assets. Critics blame him for the closure of many final-salary
pensions which has left retiring employees out of pocket.
Tax expert Maurice Fitzpatrick, of accountants Grant Thornton,
said the raid will cost funds £500billion, or a third of their
value, by 2027.
He added: “The figures for European state
pensions show how necessary it is for Britons to make their own
retirement provision. Each household has lost £20,000 worth of
pension funds.
“Now, as the country marks the 100th anniversary
of the state pension, the chickens are coming home to roost.”
Mervyn Kohler, of Help the Aged, said: “While the raid looked
do-able in 1997 when the stock market was buoyant, it went
pear-shaped when the market subsided in the early 2000s.’’ While
Britain once had the world’s best state provision for the
retired, recent figures show the UK is now the pension miser of
Europe.
The basic state pension of £90.70 a week is
just 15 per cent of average pay – well below the 60 per cent
average in Europe.
Spain, Holland, and Luxembourg pay their
pensioners at least 80 per cent.
Even a century ago, when the state pension
was first introduced in Britain, it stood at 25 per cent.
Figures from the National Pensioners Convention show that
nearly one in four retired people are living below the
official poverty line of £151-a-week.
The average income was £457 a week in 2007-2008.
Neil Duncan-Jordan, of the NPC, said: “The pioneers who
secured the state pension would be turning in their graves.
The refusal by ministers to substantially raise the state
pension and restore its link to earnings has resulted in a
quarter of older people now living in poverty.”
Almost half of workers do not think there
will be a pension left for them when they retire, says
research by Department of Work and Pensions.
More than two-thirds of those retired and still working
estimate they will need £600 or more a month to maintain
their standard of living.
The Daily Express crusade Respect for the
Elderly has lobbied Labour for a fairer deal for pensioners.
A DWP spokesman said: “We would like to give
pensioners more but we must balance that with the ability of
young people with families to pay taxes.”
Economic view
October 16, 2006
Regulation killed the pensions industry
By Anatole Kaletsky of
The Times THIS WEEK Gordon
Brown will hold the first meeting of his
newly created financial services task force,
a group of top financiers brought together
to ensure that the City of London retains
its global dominance.
The members of the task force will
complain about corporate taxes and stamp
duties, which are now higher in Britain than
in many other European countries. But an
issue unlikely to be raised by the
Chancellors task force is the one that, in
my experience, is the elephant in the room
when it comes to the very personal loathing
in the City for Gordon Brown pensions.
The collapse of Britains occupational
pensions industry has been the biggest
mishap to befall the City in living memory.
The regulatory demands to close pension fund
deficits are costing the shareholders of
British companies far more than they could
lose or gain through any conceivable reform
in taxes. Yet the causes of this disaster
are viewed in the City and the business
community as no longer worth serious
discussion.
There is a widespread belief in the City
and the business community that the
disintegration of the countrys once-proud
pensions industry has been mainly the fault
of the Chancellor. The policy usually cited
is the ££5 billion tax raid perpetrated
against the pension funds in Gordon Browns
first Budget. This abolished the complicated
Advance Corporation Tax (ACT) rules, which
gave UK companies big incentives to make
dividend payments to pension funds and other
tax- exempt institutions, rather than
retaining profits for internal investment
and organic growth. Belief that the
abolition of ACT was the main cause of the
crisis in Britains private pensions and the
consequent decline of the British life
assurance industry, which used to be the
biggest in Europe and is now among the
smallest, has acquired a huge political,
financial and economic importance.
Political because the destruction of
private pensions since 1997 is probably the
most serious indictment that can be laid
against Gordon Brown. Financial because the
demise of pension funds can be blamed for
several of the most important distortions in
British financial markets: the flight out of
equities into bonds, the consequently weak
performance of the London stock market in
relation to other leading markets around the
world; and the low rates of investment by
many British companies, which have been
forced to use their spare cash to eliminate
deficits in their pension funds, instead of
using these profits to reward shareholders
or improve their businesses by undertaking
productive investments.
But have changes in the tax treatment of
pension funds really been responsible for
the demise of the pensions and insurance
industry? I believe the answer is no. It
is true that Britains pension and life
insurance industries have been destroyed by
Government, but the damage was done by
regulation and litigation, not by tax
reforms. The traditional life companies were
effectively put out of business by an
economically illiterate court judgment in
2000, which effectively bankrupted Equitable
Life, the countrys oldest and in many ways
best-run financial institution. When the
House of Lords judges forced Equitable Life
to pay out bonuses that were always
conditional on investment performance as if
these were contractual guarantees, they did
not just capriciously reverse centuries of
established precedent - they revealed a lack
of understanding of investment principles
whose consequences have become even more
apparent in the unravelling of the pensions
business.
The disintegration of the pensions
industry began with the ratcheting-up of
regulations (mostly by the 1990-97 Major
Government), which converted discretionary
benefits such as inflation-proofing,
spouses pensions and upgraded treatment for
early retirees into legally enforceable
contractual obligations. The next stage was
the introduction a bond-based Minimum
Funding Requirement to guard against the
possibility of fraud by the sponsoring
employers, in a panic reaction to the
scandal after the collapse of the Robert
Maxwell newspaper and financial empire.
The last straw was the introduction of
the FRS 17 accounting standard, which
required immediate full recognition of
pension liabilities discounted by a low-risk
corporate bond yield. Once FRS 17 was
introduced, the game was up for corporate
pensions, but it is wrong to blame the
accountants for this. It was politicians who
turned actuarial estimates of future
pensions payments into bond-like
commitments, just as the judges turned the
discretionary bonuses promised by Equitable
Life into the cast-iron contractual
obligations that bankrupted the company.
Once this happened, FRS 17 was a logical (if
exaggerated) response from the accountants.
By turning pensions into cast-iron
guarantees that therefore had to be funded
with bonds rather than equities, the new
regulatory approach made the provision of
defined benefits unsustainably costly. If a
pension promise has to be absolutely
guaranteed by the sponsoring company, then
regulators and accountants will quite
understandably insist that the assets that
back up that promise are as close as
possible to risk-free.
And this, in fact, is what accountants
and actuaries are increasingly suggesting,
telling companies that all their pension
investments should be in low-risk bonds,
which can closely match the cashflows they
will need for their future pension payments.
The trouble with this approach is that
low-risk investments will, by definition,
produce low returns.
And these low returns have now made it
impossibly expensive for companies to
provide the generous pensions that British
workers learnt to enjoy in the days when
pension funds could be invested mainly in
higher-risk, higher-return assets. Once
pensions were turned into contractual
guarantees, the defined-benefits pension
industry in Britain became a dinosaur. All
Gordon Brown did with his ££5 billion tax
raid was to put defined-benefit pensions
out of their misery a little faster. Until Britains Establishment understands that it
was regulation, not taxation, that killed
the pensions industry, other parts of the
City could succumb to a similar fate.